Necessity breaks the law, even the laws of television. And so I could have watched a solid episode of Saturday night in 1 He watched, as three ministers from three different coalition parties looked on as the government fell. On the one hand the alleged perpetrator, Dilan Yesilgöz’s VVD, on the other side of the table are two victims, Hugo de Jonge (CDA) and Maarten van Ooijen (CU). It provided an interesting insight into the dynamics of the coalition, with “unnecessary” being the most commonly used word.
Hugo De Jonge (CDA) took on the role of narrator, playing the black piet to both VVD, who brought things to an unnecessary head, and to ChristenUnie, who unleashed a very believable package when bent or broken. She paid particular attention to Van Oygen, the unassuming young foreign minister who was confronted by two experienced lawyers. He explained what the ultimate breaking point was: the delays and restrictions in family reunification for all asylum seekers in order to prevent “repatriation after reunification”. How often (or how few) “family reunions after family reunions” happen, however, remained unsaid.
In recent months, Rutte has been actively creating the impression that this relatively small point of contention will be a breaking point for VVD, knowing that the same point of contention is also a breaking point for Christini (and D66). In this way, he was able to credibly bring the issue to a head, and he now hoped his constituents would appreciate the situation. However, the difference between the two extremes is significant; At ChristenUnie they think they can’t live with the proposed plan, at VVD they were “annoyed” because ChristenUnie didn’t want to swallow a watermelon.
About the author
Sander Schimmelbenik is a journalist, businessman and columnist for De Volkskrant. He was previously a magazine editor quotes. Columnists are free to express their opinions and do not have to abide by the rules of journalistic objectivity.
Although Rutte’s accusations of Machiavellianism are justified, he is also right: Holland is simply far more right-wing than Rutte’s fourth policy. Progressive Holland would prefer that Rutte just throw some sensible politics through it, but Rutte is simply attached to his stance. And he keeps that only if he can bend the story to his will and blow with the wind.
Rota is not the dam against populist flood, Rota is the river that will eventually flood the populist lake. During Rutte’s thirteen years, selfishness, brutality, and corruption became the norm and citizens could no longer be held accountable for collective responsibilities. During his right-wing rule, the word “left” became a term for abuse, weakening collectivism, increasing inequality, rewarding the vile, and neglecting crucial files. Nevertheless, Ruti clings to his insane nihilistic liberalism, despite overwhelming evidence of its failure.
Although no one says they want to govern with the VVD, they will have to, because neither the progressive right nor the right will gain a majority. Thirteen years after Rutte, a cabinet with the BBB as the largest and the VVD as the small party would have been a fitting punishment for Rutte and Holland’s gamble. A cabinet of populist idiots could make the Dutch realize that you can get your hands dirty with ministers like Dijkgraaf, Van der Burg and Hoekstra. Let the citizen feel what you get when you choose a rising marketing agency for agricultural millionaires with conspiracy thinkers on the list as the biggest party. Rutte IV was the last chance to advance for the time being. The Dutchman, who has benefited from collective and collective equal opportunity for generations, seems determined to destroy exactly those two things. I’m afraid a person feels his pain before he understands it.
“Unable to type with boxing gloves on. Freelance organizer. Avid analyst. Friendly troublemaker. Bacon junkie.”